In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Bosnian Serb leadership once again celebrated the unconstitutional “National Day” of Republika Srpska, while Milorad Dodik reiterated his threats of secession. Do you believe Dodik could escalate his threats, plunging the country into a renewed crisis? Furthermore, what actions could the international community take to finally stabilise Bosnia and Herzegovina?
The threat of secession by the RS entity presently is less acute than it has been in years prior. That is for two reasons. First, the Dodik regime – and Dodik himself – are weaker than they have ever been. He is in very poor health and has already made visible succession plans, i.e. pushing his son, Igor, to take a more prominent role in the SNSD party. Economically, the entity is in dire straits and taking on additional borrowing just to service its existing debts. Moreover, the long-delayed enforcement of US sanctions vs. Dodik and other members of his regime in the first quarter of 2024 has resulted in the closure of several regime-affiliated firms, and many officials are now being paid in cash to circumvent the US measures. The latter may eventually result in a liquidity crisis in the entity which would further hasten Dodik’s fall.
Secondly, authorities in Sarajevo and the Federation entity have taken concrete steps to demonstrate their capacities to counter any moves towards secession by the Banja Luka regime. Both the Tuzla and Sarajevo cantons are in the process of procuring significant numbers of Canadian-made Roshel Senator armoured cars, and the country’s Defence Minister has also signalled that the Armed Forces have the capabilities to deal with any such putsch attempt, despite the likelihood of defection by Serb cadres of the military. Most importantly, the Federation-based munitions industry is realizing historic returns, producing large quantities of small and large arm munitions, including strategically critical 155 mm shells.
The outstanding question remains how Dodik will respond to his impeding verdict at the Court of BiH, where he is expected to be found guilty, and which would likely result in his legal ouster from office. If he fails to abide by the court’s rulings, which is also likely, then we will have a significant political crisis in BiH to contend with in the coming months.
The new European Commission has promised to accelerate the accession process for the Western Balkans. Do you see hope that the new leadership in Brussels could genuinely speed up integration? If not, what are the potential security risks and stability challenges the region might face?
I do not expect any meaningful progress for BiH or the region in terms of their EU prospects in the foreseeable future.
The EU and its member states, evidently, have neither the interest nor capacity to deal with the situation in the region, beyond purely symbolic or declarative flourishes. The EU is not even in a position to impose sanctions on Milorad Dodik. This lack of credibility by the EU will only further incentivise local actors to both look to themselves and other outside partners to shore of their respective interests. The EU will, as to date, complain about the results of such decisions but do nothing to challenge them.
Montenegro and Albania are reportedly the only candidate countries with a realistic chance of joining the EU, by or around 2030. Do you consider this goal achievable? What about the other states in the region? Could Serbia, Kosovo, North Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina also accelerate their accession paths, or is this merely a wishful thinking?
I do not think any of these countries, including Albania and Montenegro, will be joining the EU by 2030, so the entire conversation about enlargement is not merely wishful thinking, it has become quite irresponsible. EU membership is not on the docket. The question is: what is? For BiH, for instance, what is quite plausible is NATO membership. BiH could join NATO by 2030, and certainly by 2035. That is where the analytical and political focus should be.
Regarding the Serbia-Kosovo dialogue, how should the EU adjust its approach to compel Belgrade and Pristina to finally reach a normalization agreement?
We should not be seeking normalization, to begin with. It is evident that the appetite for normalization with Pristina does not exist in Belgrade. Just as Serbia does not actually respect BiH’s sovereignty or territorial integrity, or Montenegro’s for that matter. In short, the Vucic regime is the primary, if not solitary, generator of crisis in the region. Accordingly, the EU and its key capitals should focus on mitigating the possibilities for conflict and chaos available to Belgrade.
First, the five non-recognizers within the EU should be compelled to drop their irrational and irresponsible postures. They should immediately recognize Kosovo’s sovereignty and clear the path to the formalization of its relationship with the EU, sending the message to Vucic that the EU will not be beholden to his regime’s intransigence.
Secondly, immediate measures should be undertaken to secure Kosovo’s seat in the Council of Europe. Pristina has been unjustly denied a seat in the relevant European and international fora, further exacerbating Serbia’s maximalist agenda, and the same must be summarily checked.
Finally, like the EU, NATO should rapidly move towards the formal establishment of a legal-political relationship with Kosovo and provide a credible and realistic timeline for the country’s accession to the bloc, regardless of the status of its relationship with Serbia.
Lastly, what should we expect from the new Trump administration? Do you anticipate that the new US president will have any significant impact on the Western Balkans? If so, how?
Trump is, if nothing else, unpredictable. I do not anticipate, and sincerely hope, he will have no significant interest in the Western Balkans, not least because of his (in)direct financial links to the Vucic regime to through his son-in-law, daughter, and close associate Richard Grenell.
If he does in some fashion turn to the region, it will, as in his first term, likely be focused on Kosovo and Serbia, where we can expect Grenell to resume his feud with Kosovo’s PM Kurti. I do not anticipate that anything of substance will be accomplished, in any case, but Trump certainly has to ability to significantly upend the region’s security, depending on how aggressively he commits himself to Belgrade’s service.
Unfortunately, the Biden administration already went far down that road, indeed, and it is difficult to imagine any US official being more subservient to Vucic than US Ambassador Chris Hill has been, for instance, but I’m sure the Trump team will find a way, if they have the will to do so.